How can the Biden Administration assist Sudan’s Transition to Democracy?

It is no secret that the Trump Administration dramatically reframed U.S. foreign policy to favor transactional

relations and political competition. The past four years have been characterized by none less than the global

dwindling of democracy, the rising appeal of authoritarianism and populism, devastating sanctions, and ill-advised

trade wars. Tangentially, Sudan has also undergone a drastic transformation in the past four years. From the

indictment of former President Omar al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court, to the civilian-led uprising

demanding democratic reform, to the lifting of Sudan’s sanctioned designation as a state sponsor of

terrorism (SSTL)—the region has demonstrated potential to be a powerful transformational story

(Crisis Group, 2020). In October of 2020, just weeks before the Presidential election, former President

Donald Trump struck an agreement with Sudan to remove them from the SSTL. In exchange for Khartoum’s

agreement to normalize relations with Isreal and pay hundreds of millions in compensation of American victims

of past terrorist attacks, the Trump Administration lifted the sanctions regime that have stymied Khartoum's economic

recovery for decades (Leriche, 2020). Though America's rescission of sanctions was helpful in reincorporating Khartoum in the international community, this agreement was none but a political tool to open new economic and diplomatic partnerships with Israel (Jakes, 2020). 

However, with newly elected President Joe Biden in office, a shift in foreign policy seems likely. As promised in

his article, Why America Must Lead Again—Rescuing U.S. Foreign Policy after TrumpPresident Joe Biden “will take immediate steps to renew U.S. democracy and alliances, protect the

United States’ economic future, and once more have America lead the world. (Biden, 2020) ” So the

question is—how can the Biden Administration assist Sudan’s transition to democracy, championing American

values of peace, security, and the preservation of human rights?

It is indubitable that Sudan’s transition to democracy requires more American support than a simple removal from the State Sponsored Terrorism List (SSTL). As a society deeply fractured from decades of civil war, impunity, and ethnic conflicts, Sudan is in dire need of economic and political support, and humanitarian aid amidst the COVID-19 pandemic (Idris, 2020). Indeed, the Sudanese people have overthrown three military dictatorships in Sudan’s modern history. However, these uprisings have failed to consolidate and sustain democracy, and establish institutional reforms in the judiciary and security sectors. Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok’s new transitional government faces similar political, economic, and security challenges from earlier years, which poses a grave risk for the strengthening of military and authoritarian supporters (Shaib, 2020). The Biden Administration is thus tasked with four main goals that are necessary to establish sustainable democratic reforms, and build peace and security in the region. 

First, the Biden Administration must concentrate on strengthening Hamdok’s pro-democracy forces. The U.S.
must support Hamdok’s efforts to rebuild the state apparatus, ensure economic stability, and establish peace with
rebel groups (Idris, 2020). By strengthening Hamdok's transitional government, the U.S. would allow the civilian
administration to achieve victories in international affairs and secure economic gains for everyday people (Leriche, 2020). 

Second, the U.S. must underscore regional adherence to a peace agreement and a constitutional charter. The Biden Administration must engage rebel groups who refused to sign the Juba Peace Agreement on October 3, 2020, namely the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North and the Sudanese Liberation Movement. The Peace Agreement must be signed by the Sudanese government, the Revolutionary Front, the Minni Minnawi wing of the Sudan Liberation Movement, along with the aforementioned rebel groups (Shaib, 2020). The Biden Administration must place pressure on political actors in Sudan to adhere to the constitutional charter in order to thwart military interference in the economy, and to ensure fair and credible democratic elections throughout the transitional period. The Biden Administration must also place pressure on key regional actors such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, to secure their support for credible elections and a subsequent shift to civilian governance (Jakes, 2020). Without the cooperation of all foreign, state, and rebel agents, a robust peace-making and constitution-building process is near-impossible to initiate (Shaib, 2020).

Third, the Biden Administration must pressure the transitional government to respect its international obligations

to justice and the preservation of human rights. In efforts to shield civilians from future crises, the U.S. must

support a war crimes tribunal that would examine past atrocities, as well as configure a national reconciliation process.

Perhaps even, the U.S. could call for the establishment of a domestic court that would hold perpetrators of violence

accountable within a reformed judicial framework. For the first time since 1997, the United States must swiftly appoint

a U.S. Ambassador to Sudan to demonstrate the Biden Administration's commitment to a transitional government's

success (Crisis Group, 2020).

Further, the Biden Administration must commit to the economic re-engagement of Sudan on both a domestic and international scale. Building upon the Sudan Democratic Transition, Accountability, and Fiscal Transparency Act of 2020, the new U.S. strategy must concentrate on supporting economic, legal, and security sectors with robust financial investments and diplomatic guidance (Crisis Group, 2020). Sudan’s weakened economy presents the largest source of risk to the preservation of democracy and stability—thus, the Biden Administration must couple economic re-engagement efforts with significant institutional reforms in the judicial and security sectors. The Biden Administration must aim to address crippling inflation rates by boosting foreign investments and submitting a strategy for long-term economic stabilization. 

With the cooperation of international, regional, and local actors, the Biden Administration may support Sudan’s

transition to democracy and contribute to sustainable peace and security. However, it is imperative that

Sudan—as a collective body—demonstrate commitment to institutionalizing democratic leadership and values in order

to receive assistance from the United States and the international community (Shaib, 2020).

Works Cited

Biden, J., & Jr. (2020, November 30). Why America must lead again. Retrieved February 10, 2021, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2020-01-23/why-america-must-lead-again

Idris, A. (2020, November 16). Biden's administration must promote peace, democracy and justice in the Sudans. Retrieved February 10, 2021, from https://thehill.com/opinion/international/525339-bidens-administration-must-promote-peace-democracy-and-justice-in-the?rl=1

Jakes, L. (2020, December 01). Officials say peace accord between Sudan and Israel is already at risk of unraveling. Retrieved February 10, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/01/us/politics/sudan-israel-trump-peace-accord.html

Leriche, M. (2020, November 18). Sudan: Trump's deal could be DISASTROUS. Biden can fix it. Retrieved February 10, 2021, from https://africanarguments.org/2020/11/sudan-trumps-deal-could-be-disastrous-biden-can-fix-it/

Nineteen conflict Prevention tips for the Biden administration. (2021, January 28). Retrieved February 10, 2021, from https://www.crisisgroup.org/united-states/b002-nineteen-conflict-prevention-tips-biden-administration

Shaib, A. (2020, December 15). The Biden presidency could Help democratic transition in Sudan. Retrieved February 10, 2021, from http://arabcenterdc.org/policy_analyses/how-could-a-biden-presidency-help-democratic-transition-in-sudan/